56 Journalists Killed in Russia/Motive Confirmed
Akhmednabi Akhmednabiyev, Novoye Delo
July 9, 2013, in Semender, Russia
Mikhail Beketov, Khimkinskaya Pravda
April 8, 2013, in Khimki, Russia
Kazbek Gekkiyev, VGTRK
December 5, 2012, in Nalchik, Russia
Gadzhimurad Kamalov, Chernovik
December 15, 2011, in Makhachkala, Russia
Abdulmalik Akhmedilov, Hakikat and Sogratl
August 11, 2009, in Makhachkala , Russia
Natalya Estemirova, Novaya Gazeta, Kavkazsky Uzel
July 15, 2009, in between Grozny and Gazi-Yurt , Russia
Anastasiya Baburova, Novaya Gazeta
January 19, 2009, in Moscow , Russia
Telman (Abdulla) Alishayev, TV-Chirkei
September 2, 2008, in Makhachkala, Russia
Magomed Yevloyev, Ingushetiya
August 31, 2008, in Nazran, Russia
Ivan Safronov, Kommersant
March 2, 2007, in Moscow, Russia
Maksim Maksimov, Gorod
November 30, 2006, in St. Petersburg, Russia
Anna Politkovskaya, Novaya Gazeta
October 7, 2006, in Moscow, Russia
Vagif Kochetkov, Trud and Tulsky Molodoi Kommunar
January 8, 2006, in Tula, Russia
Magomedzagid Varisov, Novoye Delo
June 28, 2005, in Makhachkala, Russia
Pavel Makeev, Puls
May 21, 2005, in Azov, Russia
Paul Klebnikov, Forbes Russia
July 9, 2004, in Moscow, Russia
Adlan Khasanov, Reuters
May 9, 2004, in Grozny, Russia
Aleksei Sidorov, Tolyatinskoye Obozreniye
October 9, 2003, in Togliatti, Russia
Yuri Shchekochikhin, Novaya Gazeta
July 3, 2003, in Moscow, Russia
Roddy Scott, Frontline
September 26, 2002, in Galashki Region, Ingushetia, Russia
Valery Ivanov, Tolyatinskoye Obozreniye
April 29, 2002, in Togliatti, Russia
Natalya Skryl, Nashe Vremya
March 9, 2002, in Rostov-on-Don, Russia
Eduard Markevich, Novy Reft
September 18, 2001, in Reftinsky, Sverdlovsk Region, Russia
Igor Domnikov, Novaya Gazeta
July 16, 2000, in Moscow, Russia
Aleksandr Yefremov, Nashe Vremya
May 12, 2000, in Chechnya, Russia
Vladimir Yatsina, ITAR-TASS
February 20, 2000, in Chechnya, Russia
Shamil Gigayev, Nokh Cho TV
October 29, 1999, in Shaami Yurt, Russia
Ramzan Mezhidov, TV Tsentr
October 29, 1999, in Shaami Yurt, Russia
Supian Ependiyev, Groznensky Rabochy
October 27, 1999, in Grozny, Russia
Anatoly Levin-Utkin, Yurichichesky Peterburg Segodnya
August 24, 1998, in St. Petersburg, Russia
Larisa Yudina, Sovietskaya Kalmykia Segodnya
June 8, 1998, in Elista, Russia
Ramzan Khadzhiev, Russian Public TV (ORT)
August 11, 1996, in Grozny, Russia
Viktor Mikhailov, Zabaikalsky Rabochy
May 12, 1996, in Chita, Russia
Nina Yefimova, Vozrozhdeniye
May 9, 1996, in Grozny, Russia
Nadezhda Chaikova, Obshchaya Gazeta
March 30, 1996, in Gehki, Russia
Viktor Pimenov, Vaynakh Television
March 11, 1996, in Grozny, Russia
Felix Solovyov, freelance
February 26, 1996, in Moscow, Russia
Vadim Alferyev, Segodnyashnyaya Gazeta
December 27, 1995, in Krasnoyarsk, Russia
Shamkhan Kagirov, Rossiskaya Gazeta and Vozrozheniye
December 13, 1995, in near Grozny, Russia
Natalya Alyakina, Focus and RUFA
June 17, 1995, in Budyonnovsk, Russia
Farkhad Kerimov, Associated Press TV
May 29, 1995, in Chechnya, Russia
Vladislav Listyev, Russian Public Television (OTR)
March 1, 1995, in Moscow, Russia
Viatcheslav Rudnev, Freelancer
February 17, 1995, in Kaluga, Russia
Jochen Piest, Stern
January, 10, 1995, in Chervlyonna, Russia
Vladimir Zhitarenko, Krasnaya Zvezda
January 1, 1995, in Grozny, Russia
Cynthia Elbaum, Freelancer
December 22, 1994, in Grozny, Russia
Dmitry Kholodov, Mosckovski Komsomolets
October 17, 1994, in Moscow, Russia
Yuri Soltis, Interfax
June 12, 1994, in Moscow, Russia
Aleksandr Smirnov, Molodyozhny Kuryer
October 4, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Aleksandr Sidelnikov, Lennauchfilm Studio
October 4, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Sergei Krasilnikov, Ostankino Television Company
October 3, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Yvan Scopan, TF-1 Television Company
October 3, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Vladimir Drobyshev, Nature and Man
October 3, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Igor Belozyorov, Ostankino State Broadcasting Company
October 3, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Rory Peck, ARD Television Company
October 3, 1993, in Moscow, Russia
Dmitry Krikoryants, Expresskhronika
April 14, 1993, in Grozny, Russia Read the rest of this entry »
It’s a brand of information warfare, known as ‘dezinformatsiya,’ that has been used by the Russians since at least the Cold War. The disinformation campaigns are only one ‘active measure’ tool used by Russian intelligence to ‘sow discord among,’ and within, allies perceived hostile to Russia.
Natasha Bertrand reports: Russia’s troll factories were, at one point, likely being paid by the Kremlin to spread pro-Trump propaganda on social media.
That is what freelance journalist Adrian Chen, now a staff writer at The New Yorker, discovered as he was researching Russia’s “army of well-paid trolls” for an explosive New York Times Magazine exposé published in June 2015.
“The DNC hack and dump is what cyberwar looks like.”
“A very interesting thing happened,” Chen told Longform‘s Max Linsky in a podcast in December.
“I created this list of Russian trolls when I was researching. And I check on it once in a while, still. And a lot of them have turned into conservative accounts, like fake conservatives. I don’t know what’s going on, but they’re all tweeting about Donald Trump and stuff,” he said.
Linsky then asked Chen who he thought “was paying for that.”
“I don’t know,” Chen replied. “I feel like it’s some kind of really opaque strategy of electing Donald Trump to undermine the US or something. Like false-flag kind of thing. You know, that’s how I started thinking about all this stuff after being in Russia.”
In his research from St. Petersburg, Chen discovered that Russian internet trolls — paid by the Kremlin to spread false information on the internet — have been behind a number of “highly coordinated campaigns” to deceive the American public.
“I created this list of Russian trolls when I was researching. And I check on it once in a while, still. And a lot of them have turned into conservative accounts, like fake conservatives. I don’t know what’s going on, but they’re all tweeting about Donald Trump and stuff.”
— Adrian Chen
It’s a brand of information warfare, known as “dezinformatsiya,” that has been used by the Russians since at least the Cold War. The disinformation campaigns are only one “active measure” tool used by Russian intelligence to “sow discord among,” and within, allies perceived hostile to Russia.
“An active measure is a time-honored KGB tactic for waging informational and psychological warfare,” Michael Weiss, a senior editor at The Daily Beast and editor-in-chief of The Interpreter — an online magazine that translates and analyzes political, social, and economic events inside the Russian Federation — wrote on Tuesday.
He continued (emphasis added):
“It is designed, as retired KGB General Oleg Kalugin once defined it, ‘to drive wedges in the Western community alliances of all sorts, particularly NATO, to sow discord among allies, to weaken the United States in the eyes of the people in Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and thus to prepare ground in case the war really occurs.’ The most common subcategory of active measures is dezinformatsiya, or disinformation: feverish, if believable lies cooked up by Moscow Centre and planted in friendly media outlets to make democratic nations look sinister.”
It is not surprising, then, that the Kremlin would pay internet trolls to pose as Trump supporters and build him up online. In fact, that would be the easy part. Read the rest of this entry »
[VIDEO] Politics, Ukraine Style: Just Days Ahead of Election, Mayoral Candidate Valeria Prokopenko’s Compromising Video LeaksPosted: October 22, 2015
Jed Smith reports: Valeria Prokopenko was a 21-year-old mayoral candidate in Odessa, Ukraine, an impressively ambitious young woman by any standard. She’s also in the spotlight for an unexpected reason.
A video from her recent past has cropped up, just days before voters hit the polls—but did it hurt her chances, or help them?
The video, which the law school graduate said she made for a beauty contest known as ‘Miss Olymp,’ begins with Prokopenko rolling around her bed wearing gray leggings, and then follows her around the apartment as she dances, puts on makeup, poses in sultry positions, and shows off various “sexy” outfits.
It’s being assumed now that an opponent leaked the video in order to damage Prokopenko’s campaign.
Yet within hours of Mr Nemtsov’s death, Ms Savchuk and her colleagues were going online to pour bile on the former deputy prime minister and claim he was killed by his own friends rather than by government hitmen, as many suspect.
“I was so upset that I almost gave myself away,” she said. “But I was 007. I fulfilled my task.”
The “007” role that Ms Savchuk refers to is her own extroardinary one-woman spying mission, which appears to shed intriguing light on the propaganda machine that props up the rule of Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president.
Video by Dmitri Beliakov, edited by Juliet Turner
Ms Savchuk says that for two months, she worked as one of scores of “internet operators” in a secretive “troll factory” called Internet Research, an anonymous four-storey building on a back street in St Petersburg, Russia’s former tsarist capital and Mr Putin’s hometown.
Ms Savchuk’s job was to spend 12 hours a day praising the Kremlin and lambasting its perceived enemies on social networks, blogs and the comment sections of online media.
The trolls’ task, reminiscent of the black arts of Soviet disinformation, was to attack any opponent of the Russian authorities, be it dissenting politicians, pro-European Ukrainians or even Barack Obama – who was branded a “monkey” because of his black skin.
“We had to say Putin was a fine fellow and a great figure, that Russia’s opponents were bad and Obama was an idiot,” she recalled.
All along, however, Ms Savchuk was copying documents and making clandestine video footage about the “factory”, gathering evidence in the manner of a Cold War spy. Or, as she prefers to see it, a Victorian sleuth. “I was really inspired by detective novels and Sherlock Holmes played by Benedict Cumberbatch,” she told the Sunday Telegraph in an interview last week.
Ms Savchuk says she was sacked in March after leaking her information about Internet Research to a local newspaper. Now she is out in the open and leading a campaign against the firm, which is allegedly run by a Kremlin-connected businessman.
“I want to get it closed down,” she explained. “These people are using propaganda to destroy objectivity and make people doubt the motives of any civil protest. Worst of all, they’re doing it by pretending to be us, the citizens of Russia.
In an attempt to expose the practices of Internet Research, Ms Savchuk is suing the company for breaches of labour law because she never received a contract and was paid in cash.
The story of her time as a troll is a rare and piercing insight into Russia’s attempts to skew the truth and flood the internet with political innuendo.
She worked from January 2 to March 11 at the building of Internet Research at 55 Savushkina Street in St Petersburg, which insiders say is still operating as a “troll factory”.
Working two days-on, two-days off, its army of bloggers – who are thought to number several hundred – spew out thousands of posts a week.
At her interview, Mrs Savchuk says, she pretended to be “a housewife with no real views” when she was asked if she sympathised with Russia’s opposition. She “cleaned” her pages on Facebook and Vkontakte (a Russian equivalent) in advance – the interviewers asked to see them – and replaced posts about her campaigns as an eco-activist with recipes.
“The first thing we would do each day would be to turn on the proxy server to hide our IP addresses,” said Ms Savchuk. Then the operators would start to receive “technical assignments” – written descriptions of themes they should raise in their blogs and comments, with key words to be included.
The bloggers are kept under tight control – their email is subject to checks and their workplace monitored by CCTV. Failure to reach quotas invokes a fine, as does a poorly scripted post. Ms Savchuk said she and others were asked to sign a non-disclosure agreement. Read the rest of this entry »
oil on canvas
91.5 by 71cm., 36 by 28in.
George Wilson of Redgrave Hall, Suffolk and thence by descent to Mr P.J. Holt Wilson, by whom sold Sotheby’s, 28 November 1972, lot 49
John P. Seddon, Memoir and Letters of the late Thomas Seddon, artist, By his Brother, 1859, pp. 16-17;
The Journal of the Society of Arts, May 1857, pp.360-362;
The Art Journal, 1857, p.198
This is the first recorded work from the hand of the short-lived and very remarkable Pre-Raphaelite artist Thomas Seddon. Thought of principally as a painter of eastern landscape subjects, the present beautiful and important work provides a fascinating clue to his artistic training and formative years. Although quite unlike the type of work for which he did become known, it reveals the instinctive creative talent and natural skill that he possessed. An unusual subject for an English painter to take in the 1850s, and therefore possibly reflecting his knowledge of contemporary French art, it shows Penelope looking out as the dawn breaks – her companions still sleeping – after a night spent undoing the previous day’s work on a woven shroud. Her reason for doing this was because – according to the story told in Homer’s Odyssey – during the long period during which her husband Odysseus was away, assumed by most to be dead, she remained faithful to him and, when pressed to give herself in marriage to another, always said she could not until the shroud was finished, a subterfuge which she maintained for ten years until a maid servant revealed how it was that the garment was never completed. Read the rest of this entry »
[VIDEO] Crime and Punishment by Fyodor Dostoyevsky Told in a Beautifully Animated Film by Piotr DumalaPosted: February 5, 2014
“…It’s a form of “destructive animation.” Each image exists only long enough to be photographed and then painted over…”
In this darkly poetic animation, the Polish filmmaker Piotr Dumala offers a highly personal interpretation of Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s classic novel, Crime and Punishment. “My film is like a dream,” Dumala said in 2007. “It is as if someone has read Crime and Punishment and then had a dream about it.”
Dumala’s version takes place only at night. The story is told expressionistically, without dialogue and with an altered flow of time. The complex and multi-layered novel is pared down to a few central characters and events: In the Russian city of Saint Petersburg, a young man named Raskolnikov lies in his dark room brooding over a bloody crime…
Brian Moynahan’s Leningrad: Siege and Symphony brings together the story of Shostakovich’s Seventh Symphony and that of the siege of Leningrad to inspiring, heartbreaking effect
Stephen Walsh writes: The horrors of the Leningrad siege — the 900 Days of Harrison Salisbury’s classic — have been pretty well picked over by historians; and meanwhile the story of
Shostakovich’s Seventh Symphony, the improbable circumstances of its composition and first Leningrad performance in August 1942, is well known from the extensive, and still growing, literature on the composer.
But Brian Moynahan’s book is the first to my knowledge — in English at least — to interweave these narratives to any significantly detailed extent. Moynahan is not a musician, and this is not really a book about music. It’s about an event which symbolises and personalises a history that, en gros, is virtually beyond our comprehension — those of us who live peaceful, well-fed, well-warmed, secure lives in a free society unmenaced by tanks on the one hand or secret police on the other.
The technique, if not the scale, is Tolstoyan. Moynahan’s narrative frame — his Borodino — is the German invasion itself, the first part of the siege, the atrocious Russian military failures leading up to the nightmare of the Volkhov pocket, and the barely credible stupidities of the NKVD, who routinely, under orders from Stalin and Beria, shot or imprisoned their own best officers and large numbers of other mostly loyal citizens, at a time when military expertise was in desperately short supply and loyalty under severe threat.
Olivia Rosenman reports: The machine boiling the water for that cup of Russian Caravan tea might just be a Trojan horse, according to Russian authorities who claim that kettles imported from China are bugged, using unsecured wifi networks to send data to Chinese servers.
According to the report, which was translated by UK based tech publication The Register, local authorities last week examined kettles and irons and found chips in 20 to 30 appliances imported from China.
Earlier this week reports emerged that Russia has gifted treat bags stuffed with spyware to the world’s leaders at the September Group of 20 summit. Phone chargers and USB thumb drives were revealed to be “suitable for undercover detection of computer data and mobile phones”, according to an investigation ordered by Herman Van Rompuy, president of the European Council, and reported in Italian newspaper Il Corriere della Sera. Read the rest of this entry »
Kenneth Rapoza writes: In the fun-house mirror of the global economy, Russia is the mirror opposite of China.
China consumers are the driving force behind the market. Russian consumers are hobbling along and maybe stuck in a middle income trap. China needs less investment. Russia needs more.
The kind of investment Russia needs doesn’t lend itself to a lot of sex appeal. We’re not talking about oil and gas giant Rosneft investing billions in Arctic drilling. This is about roads and very big bridges.
“Russia is a reverse-China,” Alexei Yakovitsky, global CEO of VTB Capital said. ”China is a consumer theme for investors today,” he said, noting that not too long ago, investment was China’s theme. Now, investment is Russia’s theme. Years ago, it was the consumer. “Russian consumers still have room for growth, but that is no longer the story here. The story in Russia today is investment,” he said last Tuesday on the sidelines of VTB’s Russia Calling!, an annual investor’s forum in Moscow. Read the rest of this entry »
MOSCOW — A Russian warship carrying “special cargo” will be dispatched toward Syria, a navy source said on Friday, as the Kremlin beefs up its presence in the region ahead of possible US strikes against the Damascus regime.
The large landing ship Nikolai Filchenkov will on Friday leave the Ukrainian port city of Sevastopol for the Russian Black Sea port of Novorossiisk, from where it will head to Syria’s coast, the Interfax news agency quoted a source from the Saint Petersburg-based central naval command as saying. Read the rest of this entry »
ST. PETERSBURG, Russia — Russian President Vladimir Putin welcomed President Barack Obama with a smile and a handshake to the Group of 20 summit, in one of the most closely watched greetings of international diplomacy.
The 15-second exchange at the entrance to St. Petersburg’s splendid Constantine Palace drew widespread media attention as a potential telltale sign of relations between the United States and Russia.
The exchange was their only planned one-on-one appearance at the summit in the midst of tensions between the two leaders over Syria and Russia’s grant of asylum to National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden…
This got buried in a New York Times report on Russian resignation over a retaliatory attack from the West on Syria, but it should get a little more attention. Barack Obama lashed out at Vladimir Putin after Russia offered Edward Snowden asylum by publicly ridiculing Putin as having the look of a slacker — and Putin hasn’t forgiven him:
Coming soon to a St. Petersburg neighborhood near you: an armored truck that you cannot miss and that cannot miss you, at least not with the four cameras mounted behind bullet-resistant glass, pointed in all four directions.
The exterior is wrapped in an industrial design featuring very large eyeballs and the words “St. Petersburg Police,” all in the department’s green and gold colors.
“This is exactly what I wanted,” city council member Karl Nurse declared, after watching Major Jorges Sotolongo pull up the cameras images on an iPad, “It’s high profile enough you put it in a drug location or a prostitution location and it will discourage the customers from coming, they’ll just keep moving.”
“That is what the police department has in mind,” Chief Chuck Harmon told a city council committee Thursday, assuring council members the privacy of law-abiding citizens has been considered.
“The real positive for me is the visibility of the thing…This is meant to be a broad, right in your face: Don’t do what you’re doing,” Harmon said. “We didn’t want this thing parked in somebody’s front yard thinking that we’re shooting into someone’s bedroom window…It’s really meant look to the exterior activity going on around buildings, not into buildings.”
Deployment is another unresolved detail. After Thursday’s display at city hall, it was to be parked at the intersection of 34th Street and 1st Avenue South. The chief told council members to email him with any ideas, with the goal of using the truck throughout the city.
Council members think the overt presence will be appreciated by most residents.
“I would expect that more than 90 percent of them will say, ‘well, when can you bring it into my neighborhood?’ ” Nurse predicted.
The retired armored truck was donated to the city in January, after which about $30,000 was spent refurbishing and equipping it.
via Fox Tampa Bay